Executive Summary
This is the final report of the 17-month initial study of Pennsylvania
charter schools. The Western Michigan University Evaluation Center has
conducted this evaluation pursuant to a contract with the Pennsylvania
Department of Education (PDE). The initial study is a key research component
of the Commonwealth's overall accountability plan for charter schools.
Section 1728-A of Pennsylvania's charter school law (hereafter known as
Act 22) requires an evaluation of the charter school program after 5 years.
While the 5-year report is to be largely summative in nature (providing
recommendations on the advisability of continuing or amending the program),
the initial study is designed to be largely formative and to provide feedback
to schools and policymakers regarding changes that can be made to help
these schools function more effectively and achieve their anticipated goals.
At the same time, this initial study is an important component of the Commonwealth's
overall accountability plan for charter schools and it provides a foundation
for the 5-year legislatively-mandated evaluation.
Charter schools are a new form of public schooling intended to provide
alternative and diverse educational programs, with the goal of improving
academic achievement. Charter schools operate under a contractual arrangement
with a chartering entity, in the case of Pennsylvania this includes the
local school districts. The chartering contract frees schools from most
of the rules and regulations that apply to traditional public school systems
in exchange for increased accountability-ultimately, high student academic
achievement. Charter schools can be formed by a variety of individuals
or groups, including educators, parents, community members, for-profit
and nonprofit organizations, and institutions of higher education. A charter
is signed by its founding members and a chartering agency and details what
the school expects to accomplish with respect to student achievement and
other outcomes. Unlike traditional public schools, charter schools may
be closed by their sponsoring entity if they fail to meet the standards
set forth in the charter.
The autonomy-accountability bargain creates for charter schools an "opportunity
space" within which they operate. Two general questions follow from this:
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How are charter schools using their autonomy?
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Are these uses of charter school autonomy leading to the student outcomes
for which charters are held accountable?
Indeed, the central evaluation question stated in the request for proposal
(RFP) for this study is, "Does increased flexibility in exchange for increased
accountability result in improved pupil results?" Moreover, the RFP asked
a number of more specific questions about uses of charter school autonomy
and their impact on various educational outcomes.
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What effect does budget have on student results, nonacademic services,
and school facilities?
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Are opportunities offered to charter school teachers, parents, and students
to influence classroom and school policy significantly different from those
offered at traditional public schools?
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Are the opportunities (i.e., professional growth, salaries, benefits, employee
rights) for teachers and other employees significantly different at a charter
school than at a traditional public school?
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What is the impact of charter schools as related to district reform efforts?
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Is there evidence that, over the term of the charter, student learning
has significantly improved?
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What are promising practices in charter schools that could be included
in district systemic reform?
Methods and Limitations of the Study
The questions addressed in this study required multiple approaches
for collecting and verifying information. Thus, the study's methodology
represents a blend of quantitative and qualitative methods. Our aim was
to collect enough information to analyze all charter schools individually
as well as among and between groups of schools with similar characteristics.
Since our mandate was to evaluate the charter school reform rather than
individual schools, this final report focuses on generalizations across
the charter schools and does not make judgments about individual schools.
Decisions regarding the nature and type of data to be collected were made
with the Pennsylvania Department of Education to ensure that they are worthwhile
and of interest to decision makers and other interested parties. All decisions
regarding the study's design and methodology were guided by The Program
Evaluation Standards developed by the Joint Committee on Standards
for Educational Evaluation.
The following data collection and analysis methods were used:
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Surveys of staff, students, and parents (charter schools surveys developed
by The Evaluation Center and nationally-normed school climate surveys)
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Reviews of (student) work samples (when available)
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Interviews
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Diaries and logs (if available)
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Document review
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Portfolios (if available)
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Direct observation
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Focus group meetings
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Analysis of test scores and available demographic and financial data
Most of the analyses presented in this report are based on the 31 charter
schools operating during the 1998/99 academic year (1 of which closed at
the end of the 1998/99 year). Where possible, the study includes secondary
data on the additional 17 schools that opened during the 1999/2000 academic
year. Surveys were administered and interviews were conducted during both
the 1998/99 and 1999/2000 academic years. The evaluation team sampled all
teachers and key administrators and a random selected 3 classes of students
and between 25-35 families at each school. The evaluation team worked diligently
to ensure high response rates across all of the schools. Student response
rates for each year were approximately 90 percent, while teacher response
rates largely ranged from 73 to 83 percent. Parent response rates were
considerably lower (approximately 50 percent).
The study's ability to provide evaluative conclusions was limited by
the small number of charter schools and the relative newness of the charter
school movement in Pennsylvania. Fortunately, both problems will be self-correcting
as the movement continues to grow and mature.
Patterns of Growth in Pennsylvania Charter Schools
One of the key evaluation questions is whether the charter school
law is providing students, parents, and teachers with new alternatives
within the public school system. Thus, the report began by summarizing
growth trends in Pennsylvania charter schools.
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As of the 2000/01 academic year, there will be 66 charter schools in operation
in Pennsylvania. A 67th school was closed after its first year
of operation. Taken as a whole, these schools will enroll more than 20,000
students, or just over 1 percent of all public school students in Pennsylvania.
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Throughout the life of the charter school law, there has been relatively
steady growth both in the number of charter schools and charter school
students. Most of these schools are smaller in size (i.e., average enrollment
is approximately 265 students) than the typical Pennsylvania public schools
but larger than the typical charter school nationwide. There is, moreover,
evidence of a trend toward larger charter schools in Pennsylvania.
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Charter schools are concentrated in certain parts of the Commonwealth,
particularly Philadelphia. Indeed, while Philadelphia enrolls approximately
11 percent of the public school students in the state, it has 51 percent
of the charter schools and 69 percent of the charter school students.
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Charter schools appear to target students of a reasonably wide variety
of grade levels. There is, however, a tendency for charter schools to seek
to serve students in the lower reaches of the elementary, middle, and high
school grades. Similarly, charter schools' mission statements indicate
that they intend to serve a wide variety of educational interests and goals.
However, there is evidence that a significant proportion seek to serve
at-risk students.
Charter School Start-Up
The range of charter school alternatives depends, in the first instance,
on founders' commitment to and skill in gaining charters and opening schools.
For this reason, the report provides an analysis of the characteristics
of the founding coalitions that seek charters and start up charter schools.
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Charter schools appear to be born of dissatisfaction with noncharter public
schools, as evidenced by low PSSA scores. Lower performing districts, in
turn, tend to have higher concentrations of poor and nonwhite students.
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The founding coalitions behind
charter schools often include public school teachers and administrators,
academics, and members of the business community. There is little evidence
thus far that parents have played a significant role in founding charter
schools (though they do become active in the operation of charter schools).
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Founding coalitions' goals have
included providing a choice for poor children, creating a venue in which
to operationalize ideas and practices hindered by district practices, promoting
change in noncharter schools, and inculcating a particular ethnic or cultural
perspective. Private conversion charter schools, moreover, are often founded
with an eye toward scaling up practices already employed in private schools
and attracting a broader base of students.
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There is evidence that in order
to be successful, founding coalitions often need to muster considerable
political resources. In some cases this has involved tapping into support
for charter schools among influential community leaders and the more general
dissatisfaction with public school bureaucracies. In some instances, however,
it appears that host districts have seen advantages in sponsoring charter
schools, making such political tactics unnecessary.
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Some 78 percent of the charter
schools in operation as of the 1998/99 academic year are closely affiliated
with some sort of nongovernmental organization, including community development
groups, ethnic/cultural groups, and other nongovernmental organizations.
Many schools are also built upon the foundation of a preexisting school.
Charter School Finance
One of the most important
inputs into charter schools is money. Therefore, the report examined charter
school revenues and also provided an analysis of charter schools' expenditure
patterns and some simple indicators of financial viability.
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Analysis of charter schools'
financial reports indicates that the median charter school received approximately
81 percent of its total revenues from LEAs during the 1998/99 school year.
There is, however, a large amount of variation among charter schools, with
some charter schools receiving as little as 17 percent and some as much
as 89 percent of their revenues from other LEAs. Much of this variation,
of course, is explained by the fact that some schools spend much more per
pupil than others and that the size of the LEA varies with district expenditures.
Beyond that, schools vary in their reliance on non-LEA revenue sources.
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Next to LEA transfers, the largest
revenue source for charter schools is the federal government, mostly through
Title I monies and special charter school grants. While there is considerable
school-by-school variation, the median charter school received approximately
7 percent of its total revenues from the federal government. The remainder
of charter school revenues came from state grants (e.g., start-up grants)
and "local" sources, including earnings on investments, charitable donations,
and revenues from student activities (e.g., candy sales, car washes, and
so on). In addition, a few schools relied on proceeds from extended term
financing during the 1998/99 school year.
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Analysis of charter schools'
financial data indicates that the median charter school spent approximately
the same amount per pupil as its host district during 1998/99. Of that
total amount, charter schools typically spent a smaller percentage (59
percent) on instructional items than their host districts (66 percent)
and a larger percentage on support services (which include renting and
maintaining facilities) and on other noninstructional items.
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Analysis of financial reports
indicates that charter schools appear to be relatively conservative in
budgeting, taking in more than expected on the revenue side and spending
less than expected on the expenditure side of the ledger. Moreover, there
is some evidence that schools benefit from experience, as second year schools
had slightly lower expenditure variances than first year schools (there
was no discernible relationship on the revenue side).
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Analysis of end-of-year balances
indicates that most schools ran surpluses for the 1998/99 school year.
Seven charter schools (23 percent), however, showed negative balances (deficits),
the largest of which constituted 10.7 percent of total expenditures.
Student and Parent Characteristics
Another important set
of inputs to charter schools is the people who attend, send their children
to, and work/volunteer at the schools.
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On the whole, charter schools
enroll roughly equal proportions of males and females.
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The proportion of low income
students enrolled in charter schools is roughly comparable to host districts;
in both groups approximately two-thirds of students are eligible for free
or reduced-price lunch.
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Charter schools, however, enroll
a significantly higher proportion of nonwhite students (80 percent) than
their host districts (57 percent) and charter schools nationwide (52 percent).
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Most charter school students
(80 percent) previously attended a public school, while 17 percent attended
a private school and 3 percent other schools. The proportion of students
coming from private schools roughly corresponds to the overall proportion
of private school students in the Commonwealth (15 percent). Nevertheless,
there is significant variation among charter schools.
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Evidence from surveys suggests
that parents choose charter schools mainly because of the perceived quality
of instruction, the school's academic reputation, dissatisfaction with
their child's previous school, and because they agree with the school's
educational philosophy. Indeed, some 88 percent of parents sampled indicated
that they are aware of their school's mission.
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The most common reason students
cited for attending their charter school was that their parents believe
the school is good for them. Beyond that, students cite school safety,
teacher quality, small classes, and dissatisfaction with their previous
schools as the most important factors driving their choice. Approximately
60 percent of students report that they are aware of their school's mission.
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Only one-quarter of surveyed
parents indicated that they volunteer more than 3 hours per month at their
charter school. This is in spite of the fact that approximately half report
that their school requires such involvement.
Teacher Characteristics
Teachers and staff represent
another important human capital input for charter schools.
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The majority of teachers and
staff are female (71 percent), while the gender split for administrators
and directors is close to equal. This generally matches the gender distribution
in noncharter public schools.
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Charter school teachers are
generally younger than their counterparts in noncharter public schools,
with approximately 50 percent under the age of 30 compared with 11 percent
in other schools.
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Charter school teachers are
also more likely to be nonwhite than their counterparts in other public
schools. Approximately 40 percent of teachers are nonwhite, with African
Americans comprising the largest group, followed by Hispanics, Asian/Pacific
Islanders, and Native Americans.
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The proportion of charter school
staff who report that they are classroom teachers (52 percent) is similar
to the proportion in noncharter public schools in Pennsylvania (49 percent)
and public schools nationwide (52 percent).
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Some 76 percent of teachers
surveyed in 1999/2000 reported that they are currently certified to teach
in Pennsylvania. This represents a decrease from 82 percent in the previous
year. On the other hand, the percentage of teachers certified to teach
in other states rose from 2 percent to 4 percent over the same period,
as did the percentage of teachers working to obtain certification (12 to
17 percent).
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The vast majority (75 percent)
of teachers with university degrees had attained a BA as their highest
level of education. However, a third of the teachers stated they are working
toward another degree.
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The average experience level
of the teachers surveyed was just under five years.
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The most commonly cited reason
for joining the faculty of a charter school was an interest in being involved
in a school reform effort, followed by the opportunity to work with like-minded
educators. Other popular responses included small class sizes, safety,
and the school's academic reputation.
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Some 97 percent of teachers
indicated that they are familiar with their school's mission. Of these
teachers, 72 percent believe that their school's mission is being followed
"well" or "very well."
Professional Opportunities for
Teachers
One of the goals of Act
22 is to provide enhanced autonomy and professional development opportunities
for teachers.
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Many teachers have come to charter
schools seeking autonomy in creating and implementing curriculum.
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There is evidence at a number
of charter schools that there was a conscious effort to involve teachers
in developing curricula.
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Teachers indicated that they
had autonomy in curriculum decisions and freedom to utilize creative approaches.
Indeed, many teachers report that they have considerable flexibility and
opportunities for creativity in their day-to-day activities.
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There is clear evidence in slightly
more than half of the charter schools that the teachers in the schools
work collaboratively.
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Evidence from teacher surveys
indicates that approximately one-quarter to one-third of teachers are satisfied
with their school's physical facilities, while one-third to one-half were
satisfied with resources available for instruction and other educational
functions.
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The average charter school paid
teachers an annual salary of approximately $30,000, compared with the state
average of approximately $48,000 and an average of $40,000 for schools
with similar levels of teacher education and experience and similar per
pupil expenditures. In spite of this, some 30 percent of teachers report
that they are satisfied or very satisfied with their salaries.
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There was a measurable difference
between initial teacher expectations and current experience on many topics,
the largest of which were the effectiveness of leadership and administration,
communication between parents/guardians and the school, availability of
support services to students, parents' ability to influence the direction
and activity of the school, and the extent to which students receive sufficient
individual attention. There was also a large gap between expectations and
experience in teacher empowerment and the degree to which they are able
to influence the steering and direction of the school.
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Other areas of concern for teachers
included class size, emphasis on academics, and parental involvement.
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Despite reported problems, many
teachers reported that they are satisfied with their teaching environment,
and about 75 percent planned to returned to the school the following year.
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Charter schools devote considerably
more time to teacher professional development activities than noncharter
schools, with the average charter school allotting 7 professional days
and noncharter schools 5 days. A strong emphasis on graduate study was
frequently reported, with some programs requiring it.
Innovations in Governance, Curriculum,
and Instruction
One of the stated goals
of Act 22 and other charter school statutes is to encourage the development
and diffusion of innovative practices. In this sense, charter schools are
to be public education's "R&D." The report examines innovations in
leadership, organization, discipline, curriculum, and instruction.
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Teachers and parents generally
expressed approval of their school's leadership, with 67 percent of parents
and 53 percent of teachers indicating that the statement "This school has
good administrative leadership" was true.
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Approximately 70 percent of
teachers agreed that their school's leaders set high standards, communicate
them effectively to others, and set a good example by working hard themselves.
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Parents, teachers, and students,
moreover, often have enhanced opportunities to participate in school decision
making. These include (a) involvement in the strategic planning process,
(b) attendance at planning meetings, (c) attendance at school board meetings
and other avenues of access to board members, (d) input via school surveys
and interviews, and (e) formal appeals and grievance processes.
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Approximately half of teachers (54 percent) said that they are involved
in decision making at their school. A similar proportion of students report
that administrators listen to their ideas about the school. Approximately
83 percent of parents, moreover, said that it was true or partly true that
"I am able to influence the direction and activities in the school."
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Many teachers indicated that
their workloads did not leave them enough time to remain involved in school
decision making. Parents cited work and family obligations as barriers
to their participation.
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Notable organizational and disciplinary
practices include extended hours and Saturday sessions, inclusion of both
middle and high school grades in order to address common problems in making
the transition from middle to high school, and preventive disciplinary
measures that focus on behavior modification techniques.
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Curricular innovations in charter
schools often come in the form of a focus on a particular ethnic or cultural
perspective. Other schools focus on social and vocational skills, with
some offering individualized instructional plans for all students. In some
cases, charter schools employ packaged programs such as Success for All
reading, Everyday Mathematics, or Discovery Works.
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Evidence of charter schools'
use of technology was scant and allowed for no firm conclusions. However,
the weighted average number of students to computers in charter schools
is 4.5, compared with 7.5 for their host districts. At least one school
maintains student portfolios on-line, and at least one school offers on-line
courses that students can take from home.
Special
Education
Special education presents
a challenge for all public schools, especially charter schools. Thus, the
report provides a preliminary assessment of special education in charter
schools.
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There is an important conflict
between the spirit of charter schools laws, which seek to deregulate charter
schools, and the preemption of special education by federal law. To its
credit, since enactment of Act 22, the Commonwealth has made considerable
headway in clarifying charter school obligations and providing guidance
to charter schools in proposing new regulations in this area, and also
in providing support and technical assistance to help charter schools provide
special education services that are in compliance with IDEA.
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The average proportion of students
with disabilities in the charter schools was 10.5 percent in 1999-00, which
is slightly lower than the statewide average of 12.5 percent. Among the
schools that opened during the first two years of the reform, the proportion
of students with disabilities was higher (12.1 percent) than for the 17
schools that opened for the 1999/2000 school year (7.8 percent). However,
there was great variation among the schools, with some schools reporting
as many as 42 percent special education students and some reporting no
such students.
Student Achievement in Charter
Schools
The charter school "bargain"-autonomy
in exchange for accountability-requires that charter schools demonstrate
improved student outcomes. Thus, the report provides a preliminary assessment
of student achievement in Pennsylvania's charter schools. A number of caveats
are discussed in the report regarding our analyses of student achievement.
Nonetheless, the evaluation presents some suggestive findings that might
be useful in program improvement.
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The data on student achievement
in charter schools precludes conclusive statements about charter schools'
impacts on student learning due to a number of limitations. Among the limitations
the following are most noteworthy: (i) the charter school initiative is
still quite young, leaving charter schools with little time to demonstrate
their ability to improve student achievement; (ii) data was not available
for many of the charter schools; (iii) no data exists for such important
characteristics as students' precharter school achievement rates, which
seriously diminishes the evaluation's ability to provide valid assessments
of charter school impact. For these reasons generalizations to the broader
movement are tenuous.
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Charter schools as a group produced
Pennsylvania System of School Assessment (PSSA) scores that were considerably
lower than all noncharter public schools in the Commonwealth. Such comparisons,
however, probably measure differences in the types of students who choose
to attend charter schools more than any impact the charters have on their
students.
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Four schools for which time
series data are available posted gains of more than 100 points (the scale
ranges from 1000 to 1600). In doing so, these schools as a group outgained
their host districts as a group by some 86 points over the same period.
Single cohort, pre/post commercial test data (e.g., ITBS, SAT-9) from a
nonrepresentative sample of charter schools also show that a substantial
number of charter schools posted gains in student achievement.
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A cross-sectional comparison
of each charter school with its host district(s) found that charter schools
as a group were outperformed by approximately 50 points on the PSSA. However,
there is evidence that host districts provide flawed comparisons to charter
schools.
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Likewise, a cross-sectional
comparison of each charter school with demographically similar noncharter
public schools found that charter schools as a group were outperformed
by their approximately 50 points on the PSSA. However, data limitations
restricted the analysis to comparisons on the basis of family income (as
indicated by the proportion of students qualifying for free or reduced
lunches) only.
Other Indicators of School Quality
There is legitimate debate
about precisely what types of student outcomes charter schools should be
held accountable for. While most stakeholders seem to agree that student
achievement is an important (if not the only) goal of charter schools,
others argue that schools should also be judged on their ability to satisfy
their customers.
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Survey evidence suggests that
as a group charter school students report that their level of academic
performance has improved since they moved to a charter school. Teachers
are perhaps a little less sanguine, with most initially expecting that
student achievement would have improved more than it has. Still, more than
half the teachers believe that student achievement is on the rise at their
school.
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Approximately two-thirds of
parents and teachers reported that charter schools are serving needs not
well served by other schools.
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A nonrandom sample of charter
schools indicates that the average school has a waiting list of 125 students,
or 45 percent of total current enrollment.
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A nonrandom sample of student
rosters indicates that the average charter school lost 38 percent of its
students from Spring 1999 to Spring 2000. Moreover, data from the Philadelphia
school district indicates that some 1,800 students left Philadelphia charter
schools to return to district schools.
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In spite of the significant
enrollment instability in some charter schools, more than 90 percent of
parents surveyed report that the quality of instruction in their charter
school is high and that their child receives adequate attention.
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Approximately half of the students
surveyed said they would recommend their charter school to a friend.
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Charter schools had an estimated
attendance rate of 90 percent for both 1998/99 and 1999/2000.
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Nearly three-fourths of parents
and teachers reported that their charter schools had high expectations
for students.
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Nearly three-fourths of students
said that their teachers encourage them to think about their future.
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Approximately one-third of students
said that other students at their charter school were more interested in
learning than students at their previous school.
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Fewer than one-half of respondents
report being fully satisfied with school facilities.
Issues for Further Consideration
This formative evaluation
seeks to identify program strengths and weaknesses in order to facilitate
improvements. It also provides a foundation for a 5-year summative evaluation
to be released in 2002. Thus, we conclude by identifying a number of important
policy issues and research questions raised by this report.
Issues to be considered in
future evaluation and research activities include those listed below:
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How effective is the charter
approval process as a quality control mechanism?
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Do some district approval and
oversight processes lead to stronger charter schools than others?
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Do charter schools approved
on appeal face a hostile environment? If so, does this affect school quality
and student outcomes?
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What explains variations in
charter schools' expenditure patterns?
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Do charter schools offer more
educational value for the money than noncharter public schools?
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Will observed trends in charter
school affiliation with nongovernmental organizations continue?
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Will the role of private management
companies continue to increase over time? And what effects might this have
on the autonomy and effectiveness of the schools?
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What explains variations in
student achievement across charter schools?
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Why do students and parents
choose to leave charter schools?
Policy issues that should
be considered include these:
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What are the implications of
charter schools' reliance on nongovernmental organizations for school quality
and the future growth of the movement?
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How should charter schools balance
the provision of services for special needs students with the movement's
goal of providing head-to-head competition with noncharter public schools?
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How should charter schools,
local authorizing agencies, and other stakeholders balance market versus
other forms of accountability in decisions to grant and renew charters?
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Contact Information:
Gary Miron and Christopher Nelson
The Evaluation Center
Western Michigan University
Kalamazoo, MI 49008-5178
tel. 269 387-5895
fax. 269 387-5923
e-mail: gary.miron@wmich.edu
christopher.nelson@wmich.edu
http://www.wmich.edu/evalctr
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